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Arab and Jew.
Someone please reprint!The fear of being labelled 'anti-Semite' is the main weapon used by Zionists to silence their critics, and many of the non-Jewish supporters of Israel are racists who want 'to send the Jews back where they belong'. I should therefore make it plain that, although not Jewish, I consider Judaism in many respects superior to Christianity. The greatest danger to the future of this venerable religion comes from Zionism, whose aim is the purely secular one of 'ingathering' a supposed 'homeless nation' on land seized from a defenceless people, who had always lived at peace with their Jewish neighbours. Everyone should learn to distinguish, with Lilienthal, between practising Jews, people with some Jewish ancestry (which probably includes most Palestinians), Israeli citizens (three million of whom are Arabic-speaking, and one million of them Muslims and Christians), Israeli governments and Zionists.
Extremely enlightening, More truths and a proper balance

Designed with one specific suggestion per page
What a Fun Book !
Fun, travel book

Everyone who plans to visit Turkey needs this book.
About Turkey
About Turkey - A GemThank you Dr. Ergener.


Personal feelings about Ghobar-----------------------------------------------------------------
MGM Ghobar's first book "Afghanistan dar massir e tarikh" is very informative, and it is widely considered a valuable history book written by an Afghan. His second book, however, is mostly based on his personal views.
As a political activist, he strongly opposed the government of Nadir shah, Hashim khan, Shah Mahmood Khan, and Daud Khan. His intentions, in his 2nd book, was to weaken and possibly topple those governments by generating a mass resentment towards the government. He was imprisoned for few year and sent to exile in southern part of Afghanistan. It is easy to sense throughout his book a feeling of revenge. He continuously concentrates on negative aspects of the government policies and actions.
This is an example of how a government used force to do injustice to its opposition and how an individual make use of pen to take revenge.
It important that we avoid getting caught in the fire and as a result form extreme opinions.
There is a good critique (in Farsi) by Negargar on MGM Ghobar's
second book. Negargar points out major differenced between Ghobar's 1st and 2nd book. He tries to prove that the 2nd book is not 100% Ghobar's writings. He thinks a lot has been added to his original writings.
Khalid Shalizi
=============================================
About the MGM Ghobar's book, I urge caution. Ghobar's first book "Afghanistan Daar Maseer'e Tarikh Vol 1", is one of the best history books available on Afghanistan. While I read the second volume with great interest (over a weekend) and found it deeply moving, I would like to point out that this volume is more of a personal journal, rather than a scholarly researched
history book. The story about "Charkhi" family is true, but as far as I know, noone has any stories that either supports or rejects any of the other ones, and since Afghanistan doesn't have many solid historians, this is as good as it will have to get for now. If EC members' disagree, I can take criticism OK, so I would love to hear other members' perspectives on this book. I should point out that Donya jaan Ghobar, MGM's daughter, is a (silent) member of AS. She is a physician, poet, writer, painter and sculptor, a pretty amazing woman. I have met Hashamt, the publisher and MGM's son, on a number of occasions and been to their house in VA. They are fantastic Afghans!
Farhad Ahad
The Man Behind the Epic: Mir Gholam Mohammad GhobarPLEASE VISIT: The one major difference between the two was that Baihaqi was a historian whose writing served the court of the Ghaznavids kings. Ghobar was imprisoned by the government for writing truths and voicing his opinions. Whereas Baihaqi received golden treasures and prestige for writing history in favor of the royal court, Ghobar's unbiased writings prompted the ruling governing body to marginalize him and his family to live in fear of their lives from day-to-day. Ghobar has become a capstone for most historians who specialized on Afghanistan. Many Afghans came to realize his greatness after his death. Now, thousands of Afghans rely on Ghobar's writing style and content to learn important historical facts. Habibi (1984) puts Ghobar's contribution into perspective: "Ghobar's seal is cast on Afghan movements in the second half of the 20th century." Since his writings were earth shattering, some envious and intransigents tried defaming and slandering him by mislabeling him into a certain way of thinking. The truth of the matter is that he was neither a right-wing fanatic nor a left-wing revolutionary. He was a progressive intellectual whose primary objective was to peacefully reform the system. Ghobar had the patriotic ambition of reconciling Afghanistan's past, present, and future. He wrote: "Until the onslaught of Gengiz Khan, Afghanistan was the shining star of the Islamic world. Neither in cultural level nor in the stage of civilization had she any equal among the Muslim countries" (Gregorian, 1969, Page 22). Ghobar was a strong advocate of justice, civil liberties, and reforming the strict censorship policies. Afghanistan dar Masir-e Tarikh has been widely associated with the movement for a free press and none censorship. Just as activist intellectuals such King, Gandhi, Mandela, and even passivist intellectuals were being punished for exercising their civil rights, Ghobar also became a victim during the regime's informal intellectual apartheid, genocide, and exile campaign. Ghobar along with his brothers, his cousins were imprisoned in the jails of Saira-e Mothi in Kabul. Among the 16,000 captives, they were political prisoners from 1933 to 1935. From 1935 to 1942, they were sent to exile in Bala Baluk, Farah. In 1952-1956, Ghobar again ended up as a political prison of the regime. Because he participated in a peaceful public protest urging democratic parliamentary elections. This time in prison he conceived the idea of writing the epic. Ghobar's book unveiled a whole world of state oppression, corruption, and criticized the extreme and sometimes brutal measures taken by the government. During P.M. Maiwandwal in 1967, Ghobar's book was approved for publication. Since the monarchy did not permit private publication houses, the book was to be published in the government-publishing house located in Kabul. According to Wala (2000), Deparment Head for, Minister Benawa designated him to publish the book at the government-printing house. Major figures of Afghan literature oversaw his work and approved of it such as Ahmad Ali Kohzad, Ahmad Naimi, and Muhammad Gul-ab Nangahari. When the ruling elite replaced P.M. Maiwandwal, the book was officially announced banned during a meeting. The banning of the book without any legal or court process did not fair well with intellectuals. Ghobar has been noted to say, "Legally, the history book I have written must be released. The government can then use its power to commission writers who can distort the facts and history of the past in response of my book." Although initially printed by the government press, the ruling elite banned it. George Bernard Shaw put it best: "Censorship ends in logical completeness when nobody is allowed to read any books except the books nobody reads." The government's biases against pedagogy resulted from fears that people will become socially literate, heighten their sense of social consciousness, and transform their situation and society. However, the government ignored that positive results cannot be expected from political repression, which fail to respect the particular view of the world held by the people. The rulers made empty promises ensuring justice and democracy, but behind the scene was law breaking and corruption. Conspiracy and plotting became common and innocent intellectuals were sent off to fill prison cells. They were individuals who only exercised their rights to speak and write and had not committed any crime. However, even without a case nor judgment against them, these intellectuals and their relatives spent years in the prison cells where they were subjected to all methods of torture. Ironically, it so happened that the place of patriotic and heroic intellectual was in prison and not in the governing bodies of the country. It was these infringements of civil liberties and censorship that were the main causes of the decay of the regime. Early in 1978, after unsuccessful treatments resulted in his parting of this world in West Germany on February 18, 1978. Ghobar laid to rest in Shohada-e Saliheen. On his burial tablet it is written: Do not tell me to hold my tongue! Oh fate, there are still 1,000 unsaid passages running through my head. Unlike other questionable intellectuals who have become entrepreneurs that give a slanted historical interpretation based on their ethnic, religious, regional incentives, Ghobar praises and criticizes all the players of the game. Ghobar was a very learned person, whose research about the period prior to his lifetime was not only based on his knowledge but on vast archives. His book is first of its kind in that it is the most scholarly and scientific in format and content. After forty years, his book is still a popular reference piece among Afghans no matter wherever they lie along the political spectrum: "Books won't stay banned. They won't burn. Ideas won't go to jail. In the long run of history, the censor and the inquisitor have always lost. The only sure weapon against bad ideas is better ideas," Whitney Griswold. Although Ghobar had to endure constant struggle and courage in the face of dire situations, today his eternal radiance shines like a heavenly star onto Afghanistan's literary and political society.
An astonishing account of Afghan HistoryOne has to marvel at the thoroughness with which Ghobar discusses not only the brutal Monarchy System, the British involvement, the campaign against the Monarchy and the British from within and abroad but the entire political and economic situation in Afghanistan. Ghobar's vivid descriptions of the brutal regime of Nadir and his brothers', the British interference and the Indian connection offered insights that I have read nowhere else.
This is the one book you need to read if you want to know what it was like to be an Afghan and live under the Monarchy system in Afghanistan. The description scenes are gripping and often heartbreaking. Once you have read this book, you'll understand why Afghanistan is in such a state of chaos today!
Afghanistan in the Course of History is a fascinating portrait of the Afghan History. I have read no other account of the Afghan history equal to this. Ghobar's groundbreaking revelation is a masterpiece. This is literature.


Tells of a deadly test of skill and courage
The True Meaning of Conflict in Times of War"Always Faithful" is a timely book that helped me understand what every soldier must indeed face in times of war.
The Inner vs. Outer Battle

Needed context for understanding U.S. Islam policy.It tackles head on the climate after the end of the Cold War, noting that an over-easy replacement of the "red menace" of Communism with the "green menace" of Islam explains surprisingly much. It also tackles the tendency to conflate the "Iran problem" with the "Islam problem" which has often led to inappropriate responses to current situations.
The largest contribution the book makes is in sketching out how much U.S. foreign policy is constrained by Congress and public opinion. Our presidential administrations would probably have made much more nuanced, relevant, and accomodationist responses to various situations related to Islam if they had not been cornered by powerful congressmen with simplistic black and white views of the world. A secondary contribution is pointing out the very many places where the U.S. in dealing with Islam says one thing but does something different.
An important guide to today's hottest topicThis is the most useful, objective, engaging source I've found on the topic.
US Policies Explained, Solid Suggestions given.Simply put, this is the most lucid work on the political Middle East and "the way it is, how it got there, and what to do about it" that I have seen. I understood everything Mr. Gerges had to say and could not help but be persuaded by his understated style and crystalline presentation. Written with respect for his reader (he never speaks patronizingly) he so clearly elucidates his points with well presented examples that the book becomes not only a compelling written account of his thought, but an excellent reference work. One does not need to absorb the whole book in order to arrive at valuable insight, although a thorough reading is recommended. In addition to the many keen observations he makes, he gives suggestions, clear, concrete suggestions, as to what to do with the problems outlined. I find this refreshing. Many books I have read recently project a good deal of frustration (although probably deserved) while others focus on what has gone wrong or been done wrong. Mr. Gerges collects his points of reference, tells us their histories and creates a map as to where things can be taken and put into order. Mr. Gerges presents his compelling reasoning along with a great deal of information (both in the text and in his extensive footnoting) all captured in a clear, calm approach.
How I will use this book in my further studies:
It is useful as a reference book as specific issues can easily be extracted for argument. I intend on both referring to this work in my writing with politicians and to keep up on Mr. Gerges's work to see what new insights he provides.
The book's main points:
We (the polled majority of the US at least since the Iranian Revolution in 1981) still hold the Arab Muslim in a negative stereotype as violent and Islam as a "hostile culture". He demonstrates that the US has never had a consistent policy, show of policy, thought process or self-knowledge of the Middle East. The west keeps reacting as if it were dealing with a (possibly) trained lion, in awe of its beauty, happy it has not jumped on us yet, and holding a gun at the ready in case it does. The west has never welcomed the Mid-East as a full member of modern society, it seems. As to our prejudices, he rightly points out the undeserved knee jerk reaction after the Oklahoma City bombing where numerous attacks on "Mid Easterners" were reported immediately after that bombing.
US Officials deny there is tie between media presentation, news and US Policy. I think there is ample evidence available that pretty well challenges that assumption especially when you look at the cumulative effect of media-news as well as media-entertainment on popular assumptions. Gary Sick's given quote: "We are all prisoners of our own cultural assumptions " is particularly to the point here, but it begs the question, "If we are prisoners, who is holding the key that will free us from mis-information?"
The book was written before the current situations, but his assessment of how we formerly backed the leaders we are now bombing when they were fighting the Soviet Union, and many other such observations, is still enlightening and relevant.
The Middle East, oddly, seems to be the Swamp of Politics. Wherever we step, there are bogs and tangled roots and mire and muck. If so, it is a swamp we have helped create. We have seemingly never dealt honestly with the Mid East and so we keep finding ourselves caught up in a matted tangle of former policies and legacies. We have been ambiguous at best and harmful (kindly put) to the development of good ongoing relations between the west and Middle East. It is as if we do not expect them to notice that we do not like or trust them very much, except for their oil. One of our ambassadors even said, "Islam is a conquering religion threatening the American way of life " although that Ambassador did stress that most US policy makers did not share his view.
The west views the Middle East as backward. The west cannot seem to get its head around the reality of a clerically dominated regime. We do handle the idea of the Pope, though. Maybe this is because the army of His Eminence is small.
Mr. Gerges points out the continual duplicity of governments: What they create, what they portray and what they are willing to do to keep the truth of one from another is the unfortunate, resource-consuming, status quo. It seems that one of the most pervasive issues the western world must learn to deal with is its confusion over how a people can live with a different cultural base of reference then the western model.
His brilliant step-by-step analysis of the unique histories of many of the Middle Eastern nations and their potentials (for benefice and for ill) is particularly well laid out. The Middle East is a region, but also a collection of countries. He gives us good access points into the machinery of the way things are so we can at least have the option and chance to do what we can for the best interest of all involved.
It is my conclusion that the oft-used political phrase of "clash of cultures" is not accurate. However, because of this book, I see it as much more of a clash of wills and belief in the right of one way to exist over, as opposed to along side of, others. Differing cultures can co-exist, but the will to be dominant, to have one's "ways" proved correct is what cannot be sustained. This book by Fawaz A. Gerges is at least an offered tool to help correct and improve the situation.
GregRobin Smith
RedHorse & Ridire Reviews
robin@knightstour.org
Please write me if you wish the whole review (including page # references)


An incredible ending to a great series
It's powerful magic...Sword & Sorcery Greatest !
A thrilling, seamless blend of fantasy and sf.

Incredible Resource About the Arab-Israeli ConflictWould you like to know exactly which land the Oslo Agreements included?
Would you like to know which parts of the Middle East belonged to biblical Israel?
Would you like to know which parts of Britain's Palestine Mandate they forbid Jews to dwell or buy land on?
This resource can answer all those question and more graphically showing you the exact boundaries of, countries involved in, and other important aspects of the Arab-Israeli conflict. I particularly found this resource helpful in disputing allegations by people that "such-and such a percentage" of the land was to be given up in a treaty such as the original U.N. plan for Palestine or under the Oslo Agreements. After showing my fellow debater the actual maps, the arguments were ended since I was in possession of hard fact thanks to this fine reference book.
Sir Martin Gilbert is a well-acclaimed British scholar, who has written numerous titles in the Historical Atlas series, extensively written about the Arab-Israeli conflict, and was also officially appointed to write the biography of Sir Winston Churchill.
I have reviewed the 1984 Fourth Edition, but several editions have since come out with updated information and additional maps to reflect more recent developments. I recommend getting the most recent edition available.
I highly recommend this outstanding resource for anyone studying the Arab-Israeli conflict, whether pro-Arab or pro-Israeli.
Review by: Maximillian Ben Hanan
An indispensable sourcebook
Great Book, Very Worthwhile

This book rocks so hard it isn't even funny!!!
An Excellent Book.
Highly recommended for style and information.

interesting book, well written
History in miniatureThe Jezreel Valley and ancient Megiddo, the Armageddon of Revelation, are brought to center stage in this well researched and thoroughly entertaining book. Here the armies of the world have fought battles deciding the course of human history, and here too it is suggested that the final battle between good and evil will be fought in the future. All tolled, some 34 major battles have been fought in this valley, often if not usually between combatants who are foreign to the area.
In documenting the drama of conflict that has played itself out on this valley floor, Professor Cline has examined a wide variety of data recording human events in the area. He discusses the records of ancient Egypt, the Biblical texts, the cuneiform documents of Anatolia, Assyria, Babylonia, and Persia, the written material of both the Moslem and the Christian participants of the Crusades, French documentation of the Napoleonic wars in the Middle East, the Allenby diaries, letters, etc. for the World War I conflict with the Ottoman Empire, and the more recent evidence for the Arab-Israeli conflicts in the area. In short, he addresses an impressive collection of data and with it constructs an absorbing "biography" of the region, and in doing so brings the history of the world itself into sharper focus.
I found Cline's willingness to entertain alternative proposals for events of the Israelite conquest of the Levant particularly impressive. He does not seem wedded to any particular theme or version of early Biblical history, a fact which gives one confidence in his critical judgment with respect to early documents, both Biblical and extra-Biblical. Where he is uncertain of the order of or veracity of events or their documentation, he is willing to say as much. There is no effort to make the evidence appear more concrete than it is. He also seems to have no preferred "side" in the Arab-Israeli conflict at least as a historian and archaeologist--whether he has one as an individual is his own business. The author also sticks to historical information and its interpretation and only introduces archaeological data where it is pertinent to the discussion. He doesn't burden the amateur enthusiast with more detail than they are willing or able to imbibe. In short he doesn't slow down the "story" of the Jezreel which makes the volume more readable.
Although I certainly found the earlier history of the Valley of interest--my degree is in ancient history--I actually found Professor Cline's treatment of the era of the Crusades more engaging because I learned more. I also enjoyed the discussion of General Allenby's possible foreknowledge of the war between Thutmose III and the Canaanites at Megiddo an excellent demonstration of good historic detective work. (It was definitely a good illustration of the value of a thorough knowledge of history.) The bibliography of The Battles of Armageddon is a veritable who's who of historical and archaeological research since the 19th century, including authors of topical works, of edited collections and encyclopedias, and of journal articles. For anyone with a specific interest this would definitely be a good starting point for the pursuit of information on tangential topics. I will probably use it to help fill in my knowledge of the Crusades. Without doubt this book would appeal to anyone with an interest in history, particularly that of the Levant or of peripheral areas in general, or in political and military history. One might even use it to teach world history, as so many of the main "players" in the events of human activity have passed through this valley and left their mark on it. Definitely a work worth reading.
Read It!
... The gory details of the brutal killing of a Palestinian child are spelled out in the chapter "Terror: The Double Standard", but the details of Palestinian terrorism are totally suppressed by the author. Nevertheless, the book is highly interesting and worth reading for the author's perspective on the Middle East, even if it is far too idealistic.